After watching this year’s Albany session, climaxing with the dramatic passage of Same Sex Marriage, as masterfully executed by the Governor, can there be any doubt that Andrew Cuomo is “The Real Steamroller.” As I noted in endorsing him:
“Cuomo understands the carrot and he understand the stick; more importantly, he knows how to use both. He is cold-blooded and cold-hearted; and can wield the stiletto when necessary…
…Will his choices all be the right ones? No; but we are in a situation where the wrong answers are still better than no answers at all.
Will the methods be ugly? Of course; this is New York; has anything else ever worked here?
Still, the truth is that Cuomo ugly is different that Spitzer or Giuliani ugly. It is ugly with a sense of politics.
In the world of Andrew Cuomo you get a choice. You can have your signature on the contract, or your brains. Compared to Spitzer or Giuliani, that is a bountiful smorgasbord of enticing delectable options.
Will I be complaining? I already am.
You got a better idea?”
It may be months before we know every ugly little detail of what was promised to pass this law. Perhaps we will never learn them all.
My guess is that the last nail has just been slammed into the coffin of Independent Redistricting. As I noted at the beginning of the month, the perfect response by the Governor to a Republican who complained about losing the Conservative line if he voted “yes” was:
"Yeah, and what good will Mike Long's line do ya, if you have no district?”
Like Cuomo’s policies or not (and I do and I don’t), he seems to be New York’s most effective Governor since Nelson Rockefeller.
But the credit is not his alone.
Unlike last time around, the advocates were not working at cross purposes, were on message, effectively marshaled their forces and got the job done.
Others deserving note:
John Sampson. Carl Kruger’s vote was probably a result of forces and feelings beyond the control of anyone in politics, but Joe Addabbo’s came from multiple sources, and Shirley Huntley’s was indisputably Sampson’s alone to deliver and he did. If the Democrats hadn’t delivered their 29, it was doubtful the Republicans were giving up their four (and it had to be for, because no one wanted to be the deciding vote). Since it was clear the ultimate result would (and did) include the loss of LGTB political support for Democrats in a couple of very marginal seats, Sampson’s crucial support was not without its element of self-sacrifice (or, to be fair, its element of self interest).
Dean Skelos. It was not four Republicans who delivered this bill; it was at least seventeen. In order to get to the floor and pass, the bill had to get through the GOP conference. There may have been four votes who actually wanted the bill to pass (I suspect there were more), but others had to agree as well. Some just thought it would look bad not to have a vote.Others just wanted to get the issue over with once and for all. Some might have been motivated by promises yet to be disclosed. Some might have thought that next time, they might not be able to negotiate the religious carve out they got in this bill (perhaps the reason the Roman Catholic Church took such a poorly executed swan diver). The important thing is they could have stopped a vote, and they did not.
Alesi, Grisanti, Saland & McDonald. None of these guys represents an extremely strong GOP district. In a very good GOP year, Saland and McDonald each managed a not very impressive 59.7%. Alesi got an uncomfortable 53.2% and Grisanti a squeaking 50.4%. The prospects for holding the Conservative line seem low. In any district which is more than one county, Mike Long control the line, and all except Alesi have multiple county districts. It would be possible for Grisanti to get a one County district, but the county he’d lose provided him his margin of victory. Depending on the number of seats drawn, Saland might also be able to finesse a one county seat. Under those circumstances, the local Conservative Party leadership would decide who gets the line (subject to a primary) and that support is by no means certain either.
On the other hand, the enthusiasm of many local Democratic activists. Judge Boyajian, a fervent support last time out of Saland’s Democratic opponent, has told me he’s supporting Saland. In Alesi and Grisanti’s fairly cosmopolitan urban districts, supporting same sex marriage might actually end up being for them a net plus. Still, in no case was the calculus a slam dunk, so let’s give them some credit.