Tag: Albany

According to the New York Post, Governor Spitzer's first job is to wage war on Silver and Bruno. Although I don't usually agree with the Post, I too had concluded that things aren't going to get any better without the removal of all three men who spent the last 12 years in the room, hence my pre-election preference for Suozzi. But the election is over, and a war is not in the cards. Instead Spitzer is going to travel another road to change things.

To the extent that the public knew what it was doing, it voted for change from the inside, backed by an appeal to the people, in voting for Spitzer. All the insiders realized Spitzer was going to win, and got behind him, and will now be calling in their favors. Theoretically Spitzer will be able to tell them that he is on their side, but they've taken too much and have to give some back to everyone else. Otherwise, a Suozzi might be in their future. Theoretically existing privileged interests will look at his mandate and go along with his changes, extracting a few symbolic victories to save face. And that's how things will improve.

According to the New York Post, Governor Spitzer's first job is to wage war on Silver and Bruno. Although I don't usually agree with the Post, I too had concluded that things aren't going to get any better without the removal of all three men who spent the last 12 years in the room, hence my pre-election preference for Suozzi. But the election is over, and a war is not in the cards. Instead Spitzer is going to travel another road to change things.

To the extent that the public knew what it was doing, it voted for change from the inside, backed by an appeal to the people, in voting for Spitzer. All the insiders realized Spitzer was going to win, and got behind him, and will now be calling in their favors. Theoretically Spitzer will be able to tell them that he is on their side, but they've taken too much and have to give some back to everyone else. Otherwise, a Suozzi might be in their future. Theoretically existing privileged interests will look at his mandate and go along with his changes, extracting a few symbolic victories to save face. And that's how things will improve.

In the 1990s, the Pataki Administration brokered a deal between "business" and "labor." Unemployment insurance taxes were cut and unemployment payouts were raised, an "everybody wins" deal. Those who became unemployed and stayed unemployed in a booming economy when just about everyone was working got more money. And employers who were getting ready to lay people off and leave the state paid less in.

The only problem — New York was one of two states which failed to follow the guidelines of the U.S. Department of Labor and build up a big trust fund for hard times. Then the future arrived, and the state had to borrow from the federal government to pay benefits, and impose a massive unemployment insurance tax increase to pay it back, in a recession at the worst possible time. Those who left the state, of course, didn't have to pay the tax, but anyone dumb enough to start a new business here when we needed them most did.

In the 1990s, the Pataki Administration brokered a deal between "business" and "labor." Unemployment insurance taxes were cut and unemployment payouts were raised, an "everybody wins" deal. Those who became unemployed and stayed unemployed in a booming economy when just about everyone was working got more money. And employers who were getting ready to lay people off and leave the state paid less in.

The only problem — New York was one of two states which failed to follow the guidelines of the U.S. Department of Labor and build up a big trust fund for hard times. Then the future arrived, and the state had to borrow from the federal government to pay benefits, and impose a massive unemployment insurance tax increase to pay it back, in a recession at the worst possible time. Those who left the state, of course, didn't have to pay the tax, but anyone dumb enough to start a new business here when we needed them most did.

With the release of details about who is responsible for which member items, there is likely to be a great deal of discussion of the member items per se. But the nature of what they fund is not their true significance.

While the amounts of money involved are not small, neither are they large in the context of overall state and local government spending in New York. And while most of the services funded with these grants are not useless, few are essential, or incapable of being funded locally if thought to be worth the money. Some parts of the state may be treated unfairly in the distribution of these grants, but the effect of this is not likely to be siginificant either in terms of the taxes they have to pay or the services most of them receive. The real importance of member items (and, at the federal level, earmarks) is that this sideshow is virually the sole focus of most of our elected representatives. And, it is the sole focus of elections for state legislature and Congress.

With the release of details about who is responsible for which member items, there is likely to be a great deal of discussion of the member items per se. But the nature of what they fund is not their true significance.

While the amounts of money involved are not small, neither are they large in the context of overall state and local government spending in New York. And while most of the services funded with these grants are not useless, few are essential, or incapable of being funded locally if thought to be worth the money. Some parts of the state may be treated unfairly in the distribution of these grants, but the effect of this is not likely to be siginificant either in terms of the taxes they have to pay or the services most of them receive. The real importance of member items (and, at the federal level, earmarks) is that this sideshow is virually the sole focus of most of our elected representatives. And, it is the sole focus of elections for state legislature and Congress.

For a few decades, in large part as a result of state fiscal policies, the City of New York has spent far more than average on the health care industry (not all on health care) and far less than average on the public school system (and even less than that on education). With the possibility of at least somewhat more fair school funding from Albany, and the release of the report of the Commission on Health Care Facilities in the 21st Century, there is an opportunity to alter that pattern. As other forms of transportation developed, much of the nation’s rail capacity became redundant, and eventually had to be abandoned to save the rest of the rail system financially. Since rights-of-way are uniquely valuable and hard to replicate, many places preserved them as trails. Similarly, in a densely populated city space is scarce and expensive, and one of the city’s educational problems is the lack of it. The hospitals and wings to be closed have been exempted from local property taxes for decades, an exemption the value of which likely exceeded their current value many times over. They should be purchased by or given to the city, gutted, and turned into high schools (if large enough) or other schools. If purchased, the money received should only be used for a purpose consistent with the purpose of the tax breaks had been received, not bonuses for departing executives. At least the schools would have decent labs and, if a high school were located in the former wing of a still-working hospital, perhaps some of the students would be inspired to health care careers. For despite the “jobs lost” in the short run due to the proposed closings, the long-term situation in health care is a labor shortage.

For a few decades, in large part as a result of state fiscal policies, the City of New York has spent far more than average on the health care industry (not all on health care) and far less than average on the public school system (and even less than that on education). With the possibility of at least somewhat more fair school funding from Albany, and the release of the report of the Commission on Health Care Facilities in the 21st Century, there is an opportunity to alter that pattern. As other forms of transportation developed, much of the nation’s rail capacity became redundant, and eventually had to be abandoned to save the rest of the rail system financially. Since rights-of-way are uniquely valuable and hard to replicate, many places preserved them as trails. Similarly, in a densely populated city space is scarce and expensive, and one of the city’s educational problems is the lack of it. The hospitals and wings to be closed have been exempted from local property taxes for decades, an exemption the value of which likely exceeded their current value many times over. They should be purchased by or given to the city, gutted, and turned into high schools (if large enough) or other schools. If purchased, the money received should only be used for a purpose consistent with the purpose of the tax breaks had been received, not bonuses for departing executives. At least the schools would have decent labs and, if a high school were located in the former wing of a still-working hospital, perhaps some of the students would be inspired to health care careers. For despite the “jobs lost” in the short run due to the proposed closings, the long-term situation in health care is a labor shortage.

So the Court of Appeals has ruled that in 2004 New York City schools should have spent, at a minimum, an additional $1.93 billion. Is that a lot, or a little? Would the total be an excessive waste of money, or nowhere close to the need? If the state paid for it all, would those elsewhere in the state have been cheated out of their rightful share of aid, or have continued to shortchange the city’s children? And would city residents have reason to be on-their-knees grateful, or outraged? To me, the way whatever settlement is described is as important as what that settlement is, because it will set the stage for what is demanded, and what is rationalized, for years to come. New York State’s winners expect a high level of service; they not only expect to win, but also expect to be told they have been generous, or cheated, so they can continue to sneer at and resent the losers. You’d think the truth would be the easiest thing to provide, since giving one person the truth doesn’t’ take money from someone else. It actually appears to be the most difficult. As it happens, while the Zarb Commission appears to have had Fiscal 2004 data years ago, that happens to be the latest available to me, both from the New York State Department of Education Fiscal Policy Unit and the U.S. Census Bureau. And below, using that information, is the meaning of the CFE $1.93 billion.

So the Court of Appeals has ruled that in 2004 New York City schools should have spent, at a minimum, an additional $1.93 billion. Is that a lot, or a little? Would the total be an excessive waste of money, or nowhere close to the need? If the state paid for it all, would those elsewhere in the state have been cheated out of their rightful share of aid, or have continued to shortchange the city’s children? And would city residents have reason to be on-their-knees grateful, or outraged? To me, the way whatever settlement is described is as important as what that settlement is, because it will set the stage for what is demanded, and what is rationalized, for years to come. New York State’s winners expect a high level of service; they not only expect to win, but also expect to be told they have been generous, or cheated, so they can continue to sneer at and resent the losers. You’d think the truth would be the easiest thing to provide, since giving one person the truth doesn’t’ take money from someone else. It actually appears to be the most difficult. As it happens, while the Zarb Commission appears to have had Fiscal 2004 data years ago, that happens to be the latest available to me, both from the New York State Department of Education Fiscal Policy Unit and the U.S. Census Bureau. And below, using that information, is the meaning of the CFE $1.93 billion.