Savings and Investment to the Dustbin of History

|

Well Rumsfeld is finally gone, pushed out for being half right. He was right about how easy it would be to topple Sadaam, but wrong about how easy it would be to get Iraq up and running and get out. Too bad he wasn't completely wrong. By the time we took over the place, we'd have had enough troops, and we might be out by now. There is no such accountability in the economic policy realm, where interest trumps ideology and the same mantras are repeated regardless of the evidence. For example, what about all those Republicans who claimed that cutting taxes on investment returns, but eliminating tax breaks for consumer debt, would encourage savings and investment?

Talking Back

|

Any month in which Chris Owens gets to issue a mission statement for a new political movement, or Charles Barron is given the opportunity to sound off about an unarmed black man hit by 50 bullets on the night before his wedding (while the shock of the underlying incident stuns Gatemouth into a failure to respond to his ill-chosen words), is bound to produce its share of unique rhetoric. Add to that the fact that most of November is devoted to post-election recrimination and spin, and the opportunities to pick low hanging fruit off the vine increase exponentially.

This is by no means a selection of the most ludicrous quotes in a month where the cup hath runneth over; it’s just a sampling of a few favorites, with some notes:

Rails to Trails, Hospitals to High Schools

|

For a few decades, in large part as a result of state fiscal policies, the City of New York has spent far more than average on the health care industry (not all on health care) and far less than average on the public school system (and even less than that on education). With the possibility of at least somewhat more fair school funding from Albany, and the release of the report of the Commission on Health Care Facilities in the 21st Century, there is an opportunity to alter that pattern. As other forms of transportation developed, much of the nation’s rail capacity became redundant, and eventually had to be abandoned to save the rest of the rail system financially. Since rights-of-way are uniquely valuable and hard to replicate, many places preserved them as trails. Similarly, in a densely populated city space is scarce and expensive, and one of the city’s educational problems is the lack of it. The hospitals and wings to be closed have been exempted from local property taxes for decades, an exemption the value of which likely exceeded their current value many times over. They should be purchased by or given to the city, gutted, and turned into high schools (if large enough) or other schools. If purchased, the money received should only be used for a purpose consistent with the purpose of the tax breaks had been received, not bonuses for departing executives. At least the schools would have decent labs and, if a high school were located in the former wing of a still-working hospital, perhaps some of the students would be inspired to health care careers. For despite the “jobs lost” in the short run due to the proposed closings, the long-term situation in health care is a labor shortage.

Rails to Trails, Hospitals to High Schools

|

For a few decades, in large part as a result of state fiscal policies, the City of New York has spent far more than average on the health care industry (not all on health care) and far less than average on the public school system (and even less than that on education). With the possibility of at least somewhat more fair school funding from Albany, and the release of the report of the Commission on Health Care Facilities in the 21st Century, there is an opportunity to alter that pattern. As other forms of transportation developed, much of the nation’s rail capacity became redundant, and eventually had to be abandoned to save the rest of the rail system financially. Since rights-of-way are uniquely valuable and hard to replicate, many places preserved them as trails. Similarly, in a densely populated city space is scarce and expensive, and one of the city’s educational problems is the lack of it. The hospitals and wings to be closed have been exempted from local property taxes for decades, an exemption the value of which likely exceeded their current value many times over. They should be purchased by or given to the city, gutted, and turned into high schools (if large enough) or other schools. If purchased, the money received should only be used for a purpose consistent with the purpose of the tax breaks had been received, not bonuses for departing executives. At least the schools would have decent labs and, if a high school were located in the former wing of a still-working hospital, perhaps some of the students would be inspired to health care careers. For despite the “jobs lost” in the short run due to the proposed closings, the long-term situation in health care is a labor shortage.

The Meaning of the CFE $1.93 Billion

|

So the Court of Appeals has ruled that in 2004 New York City schools should have spent, at a minimum, an additional $1.93 billion. Is that a lot, or a little? Would the total be an excessive waste of money, or nowhere close to the need? If the state paid for it all, would those elsewhere in the state have been cheated out of their rightful share of aid, or have continued to shortchange the city’s children? And would city residents have reason to be on-their-knees grateful, or outraged? To me, the way whatever settlement is described is as important as what that settlement is, because it will set the stage for what is demanded, and what is rationalized, for years to come. New York State’s winners expect a high level of service; they not only expect to win, but also expect to be told they have been generous, or cheated, so they can continue to sneer at and resent the losers. You’d think the truth would be the easiest thing to provide, since giving one person the truth doesn’t’ take money from someone else. It actually appears to be the most difficult. As it happens, while the Zarb Commission appears to have had Fiscal 2004 data years ago, that happens to be the latest available to me, both from the New York State Department of Education Fiscal Policy Unit and the U.S. Census Bureau. And below, using that information, is the meaning of the CFE $1.93 billion.

The Meaning of the CFE $1.93 Billion

|

So the Court of Appeals has ruled that in 2004 New York City schools should have spent, at a minimum, an additional $1.93 billion. Is that a lot, or a little? Would the total be an excessive waste of money, or nowhere close to the need? If the state paid for it all, would those elsewhere in the state have been cheated out of their rightful share of aid, or have continued to shortchange the city’s children? And would city residents have reason to be on-their-knees grateful, or outraged? To me, the way whatever settlement is described is as important as what that settlement is, because it will set the stage for what is demanded, and what is rationalized, for years to come. New York State’s winners expect a high level of service; they not only expect to win, but also expect to be told they have been generous, or cheated, so they can continue to sneer at and resent the losers. You’d think the truth would be the easiest thing to provide, since giving one person the truth doesn’t’ take money from someone else. It actually appears to be the most difficult. As it happens, while the Zarb Commission appears to have had Fiscal 2004 data years ago, that happens to be the latest available to me, both from the New York State Department of Education Fiscal Policy Unit and the U.S. Census Bureau. And below, using that information, is the meaning of the CFE $1.93 billion.

If All The People Cared, There Wouldn’t Be Any Apathy

|

Let’s be clear from the start; this is not another piece making fun of Chris Owens; he just happened to start the discussion. Last week Owens, the self-proclaimed (and surely consensual) leader of Brooklynites who call themselves “progressive” stated that those who share his vision support “public policies that promote and establish equitable social [and] economic…outcomes for all Americans, including quality public education, affordable and accessible health care, and quality and affordable housing.” Although, for my own reasons, I don’t call myself a progressive, these goals are just fine with me; however, in seeking to implement those goals, Owens proposed, among other things, support for efforts to “maximize voter registration and voter turnout….regardless of an individual voter's profile”, to which I replied:

Hey Hevesi, Where’s My Data?

|

My interaction with politicos has been very limited over the years, probably to our mutual benefit. I can count the times I have been the same room with an elected official on two hands, and the times I have actually spoken with one on one hand. But about four and a half years ago, I found myself in the back of a room next to Alan Hevesi, who was then running for New York State Comptroller, and I asked him for something. Handing over a sample, I asked if he, as Comptroller, would compile and publish the kind of comparative state and local revenue, expenditure, employment and payroll data that I have been producing privately over the years (see here and here). I had previously tried to convince some of his future underlings to do the work, but had gotten nowhere, which is no surprise given my own history as a government underling and inability to accomplish anything. But here I was taking to the future top guy. The reason I wanted the Office of the State Comptroller to compile and publish the information isn’t that I didn’t feel like doing it myself. For reasons I’ll explain after the jump, that office is in a position to provide more detailed and timely data than I am. Well, despite some positive noises at the time, I never did get my data.

Hey Hevesi, Where’s My Data?

|

My interaction with politicos has been very limited over the years, probably to our mutual benefit. I can count the times I have been the same room with an elected official on two hands, and the times I have actually spoken with one on one hand. But about four and a half years ago, I found myself in the back of a room next to Alan Hevesi, who was then running for New York State Comptroller, and I asked him for something. Handing over a sample, I asked if he, as Comptroller, would compile and publish the kind of comparative state and local revenue, expenditure, employment and payroll data that I have been producing privately over the years (see here and here). I had previously tried to convince some of his future underlings to do the work, but had gotten nowhere, which is no surprise given my own history as a government underling and inability to accomplish anything. But here I was taking to the future top guy. The reason I wanted the Office of the State Comptroller to compile and publish the information isn’t that I didn’t feel like doing it myself. For reasons I’ll explain after the jump, that office is in a position to provide more detailed and timely data than I am. Well, despite some positive noises at the time, I never did get my data.

Repelling the Young

|

You might have read this article in the Times which reports on how cities around the country are desperately trying to attract the young, particularly the educated young. The reason: with the nation's aging demographics, we are entering an era of skilled labor shortage, and whoever gets the educated young gets jobs, income, and economic activity.

I have also heard this issue raised in Upstate New York, but here the concern about losing the young isn't about jobs and business, it is about "the tax base." In New York, you see, we have the richest senior benefits anywhere, but prefer to exempt seniors from taxes, so someone has to be available to pay relatively more and get relatively less.