We have now reached the bottom of the barrel from the point of view of equity and eligibility – public services and benefits that are rationed, and have eligibility restricted, not on the basis of need, or age, or means, or tax liability, or tenure, or queue, but by a “fair and through evaluation” of “merit.” In public applications and eligibility criteria, merit is sometimes determined by quantitative measurement, sometimes by qualitative criteria evaluated by a panel of “experts,” and sometimes by the whims – or political deals – of individual legislators. Deciding someone’s “merit” presents all the same liabilities as deciding their “need,” but with an added objection – in the United States of America, what business does the government have in deciding one’s merit at all?

The “Thin Edge of the Wedge” outcome and “American Feudalism,” discussed in earlier posts, provide greater public benefits to those who have more, but do so by stealth or accident rather than by design. The provision of public benefits and subsidies through the tax code, on the other hand, clearly and unambiguously follows the “golden rule” — he who has the gold makes the rules. Tax subsidies are preferences are the opposite of means-tested benefits. Under means-tested benefits, the less you have the more public assistance you get, at least in theory. Tax breaks provide greater public benefits to those who have more, not those who have less. And more and more, tax breaks are the public policy of choice for allocating public benefits.

The “Thin Edge of the Wedge” outcome and “American Feudalism,” discussed in earlier posts, provide greater public benefits to those who have more, but do so by stealth or accident rather than by design. The provision of public benefits and subsidies through the tax code, on the other hand, clearly and unambiguously follows the “golden rule” — he who has the gold makes the rules. Tax subsidies are preferences are the opposite of means-tested benefits. Under means-tested benefits, the less you have the more public assistance you get, at least in theory. Tax breaks provide greater public benefits to those who have more, not those who have less. And more and more, tax breaks are the public policy of choice for allocating public benefits.

Liberalism, conservatism, Republicanism, and Democratism: these “ideologies” are so often and so easily discarded for the benefit of an organized group of political supporters that it isn’t reasonable to call them ideologies at all. When it comes to social benefits and burdens, only capitalism and socialism are consistent. Under capitalism you get what you earn, at least in theory, and those who believe effort and talent should be rewarded, and incentives are required to get people to work on behalf of others, can agree with that. Under socialism you get what you need, at least in theory, and those who believe we are all one human family can agree with that. In addition to what you earn in the marketplace and what you need at home, however, there is another justification for obtaining public benefits – what you’ve got. All too often, increasingly often, public benefits are services are provided to those who already have them, because they already have them. Even as others, who have greater needs, are denied. Even as others, who have earnings that are taxed to pay for the benefit, are also denied.

Liberalism, conservatism, Republicanism, and Democratism: these “ideologies” are so often and so easily discarded for the benefit of an organized group of political supporters that it isn’t reasonable to call them ideologies at all. When it comes to social benefits and burdens, only capitalism and socialism are consistent. Under capitalism you get what you earn, at least in theory, and those who believe effort and talent should be rewarded, and incentives are required to get people to work on behalf of others, can agree with that. Under socialism you get what you need, at least in theory, and those who believe we are all one human family can agree with that. In addition to what you earn in the marketplace and what you need at home, however, there is another justification for obtaining public benefits – what you’ve got. All too often, increasingly often, public benefits are services are provided to those who already have them, because they already have them. Even as others, who have greater needs, are denied. Even as others, who have earnings that are taxed to pay for the benefit, are also denied.

Thus far, my equity and eligibility posts have reviewed public policies that direct, attempt to direct, or pretend to direct public benefits to the less well off, or to those most in need. Yet government eligibility rules have often directed public benefits, services and protections to the better off, not the worst off, with not only “conservative” and Republicans but also “egalitarian” Democrats in support. And the policy of providing benefits to the better off hasn’t been limited to obscure, limited-cost programs; it has been characteristic of the history of the most extensive and expensive public programs in the country. Over the past century and a half, many now universal or near universal benefits and protections such as public education, Social Security, unemployment insurance, and the minimum wage were offered first to the organized and influential, then to population at large, and finally to the least well off – the poor, the sick, the disabled, and minorities. The better off, in short, were the “thin end of the wedge,” those with the political clout to get a public benefit created, who later felt a duty to offer the same benefit to others. Until more recently the government, and the tax burden, reached some kind of maximum/equilibrium and the march to universal benefits stopped, leaving inequities in its wake. No one feels much duty to others anymore, even if they are receiving benefits themselves.

Thus far, my equity and eligibility posts have reviewed public policies that direct, attempt to direct, or pretend to direct public benefits to the less well off, or to those most in need. Yet government eligibility rules have often directed public benefits, services and protections to the better off, not the worst off, with not only “conservative” and Republicans but also “egalitarian” Democrats in support. And the policy of providing benefits to the better off hasn’t been limited to obscure, limited-cost programs; it has been characteristic of the history of the most extensive and expensive public programs in the country. Over the past century and a half, many now universal or near universal benefits and protections such as public education, Social Security, unemployment insurance, and the minimum wage were offered first to the organized and influential, then to population at large, and finally to the least well off – the poor, the sick, the disabled, and minorities. The better off, in short, were the “thin end of the wedge,” those with the political clout to get a public benefit created, who later felt a duty to offer the same benefit to others. Until more recently the government, and the tax burden, reached some kind of maximum/equilibrium and the march to universal benefits stopped, leaving inequities in its wake. No one feels much duty to others anymore, even if they are receiving benefits themselves.

The non-decision to implement a “hope no one shows up” non-policy, discussed in my prior post, is directly connected to the issue of standards, and to the cost of benefits per recipient. For every needs- and means-restricted benefit, there is a tradeoff between the number of beneficiaries that can be served and the amount that can be spent on each. This tradeoff is being made, generally without a direct acknowledgement that it is being made, in almost every major category of public service, from education to health care. And liberals and Democrats, in pushing to enact expensive benefits, often end up agreeing to serve some people but not others – others who are just as in need, or more in need, than those who receive the benefits. As the United States, with the most expensive health care in the world but also the most uninsured people in the developed world, finally acknowledges how bad its health care finance system is, the issue of standards will clearly move to the forefront. Clearly the U.S. can afford basic health care, even good health care, for everyone just by using what the government is already spending. But that would mean some beneficiaries would have to give up extravagant health care, and it is those with extravagant health benefits, not the uninsured, who have political power.

The non-decision to implement a “hope no one shows up” non-policy, discussed in my prior post, is directly connected to the issue of standards, and to the cost of benefits per recipient. For every needs- and means-restricted benefit, there is a tradeoff between the number of beneficiaries that can be served and the amount that can be spent on each. This tradeoff is being made, generally without a direct acknowledgement that it is being made, in almost every major category of public service, from education to health care. And liberals and Democrats, in pushing to enact expensive benefits, often end up agreeing to serve some people but not others – others who are just as in need, or more in need, than those who receive the benefits. As the United States, with the most expensive health care in the world but also the most uninsured people in the developed world, finally acknowledges how bad its health care finance system is, the issue of standards will clearly move to the forefront. Clearly the U.S. can afford basic health care, even good health care, for everyone just by using what the government is already spending. But that would mean some beneficiaries would have to give up extravagant health care, and it is those with extravagant health benefits, not the uninsured, who have political power.